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This study aims at acquiring knowledge on how to manage ethnic diversity at work in order to promote work-outcomes in minority and majority groups of workers. We tested a model on how assimilation and multiculturalism, endorsed at an organizational level, predict job satisfaction and intention to quit through a mediation role played by the identification of workers with both the organization and their ethnic group simultaneously (i.e., dual identity). We hypothesized that the indirect effects of multiculturalism on work outcomes via dual identity are stronger for minority and those of assimilation are stronger for majority. Data came from 261 employees who responded to an online survey. 77 were of foreign origin (minority group) and 184 were of Belgian origin (majority group). Both assimilation and multiculturalism relate positively to work-related outcomes for both groups. However, multiculturalism through dual identity has the most beneficial outcomes for workers of the minority group. Our findings highlight the need to take ethnic and identity issues in account when studying work outcomes in culturally diverse organizations.
Keywords: multiculturalism, assimilation, dual identity, job satisfaction, intention to quit, minority
Changes in the demographic and ethnic composition of the workforce, as well as new legislations worldwide and labor trends, make diversity more and more prevalent in modern workplaces. As a result, employees with different cultural backgrounds, nationalities, skills and experiences come together and interact daily inside organizations. Belgium is a population that boasts diverse cultures and ethnicities, with foreign people reaching the rate of 29.3% of the total population (SPF, 2015). 1 Most of the foreign population in Belgium has their origin in EU countries (i.e., France, Italy, the Netherlands; Eurostat, 2012) due among others to workers of the European Institutions in Brussels. North- and other regions of Africa are one of the most representative groups (23.7%) of non-EU foreign people (SPF, 2015). Yet, this group has a lower employment rate on the Belgian labor market than the Belgian natives (Eurostat, 2012).
Gaining a better understanding of how to manage ethnic diversity in organizations is of prime importance to prevent discrimination, to promote well-being of minorities in the workplace, and to finally benefit from diversity (e.g., in terms of performance in work groups, Guillaume et al., 2014). Belgium promotes mixed policies of diversity that combine mainly equality of treatment between individuals (e.g., non-discriminatory treatment) and acknowledgment of cultural differences (e.g., accommodations) (Koninklijk Commissariaat voor het Migrantenbeleid, 1989; SPF 2010; Rea, 2014). On this basis, we may consider that both colorblindness and multiculturalism co-exist in the Belgian context. Colorblindness refers to the belief that people should be judged as individuals without regard to race or ethnicity while multiculturalism refers to the belief that differences among ethnic groups should be recognized and embraced (Rosenthal & Levy, 2012). However, research showed that concerns about the feasibility of colorblind exist and that assimilation, that is the full adaptation to the mainstream culture without maintaining one’s original minority culture (Berry, 2001), may prevail when people ignore group distinctions (Rosenthal & Levy, 2010).
In line with this view, several researchers (Lu, Samaratunge, & Charmine, 2013; Olsen & Martins, 2016) examined the effects of diversity in the frame of acculturation (Berry, 2001). Organizational acculturation refers to “the way in which an organization deals with the existence of multiple social or cultural groups in its workforce” (Olsen & Martins, 2016, p. 4). Within the diversity literature, assimilation and multiculturalism have mainly been analysed as different and competing interethnic ideologies for how an ethnically diverse group should optimally be integrated (see for example Rosenthal & Levy, 2010; Oerlemans & Peeters, 2009). Also, in the specific literature on cultural diversity at work, the conditions under which ethnic differences enhance or detract from work group functioning are described on the one hand as a resource for learning and adaptive change, and on the other hand as a basis for discrimination and conflict, for which it would be preferable to assimilate to the dominant culture (see Ely & Thomas, 2001).”
Diversity in organizations has been reported as leading to mixed (i.e., positive and negative) outcomes (see William & O’Reilly, 1998 for a review). In this study, we focused on assimilation and multiculturalism and two outcome variables, i.e. job satisfaction and intention to quit. Generally, when individuals can display their cultural heritage, their satisfaction and commitment increase: employees report to be more satisfied (Verkuyten et al., 1993) and committed (Van der Zee et al., 2004) in their job when they frequently work together with ethnically similar colleagues. However, this effect is stronger for the members of the minority group (Hofhuis et al., 2012). Moreover, the literature has shown that benefits of diversity are much greater in multicultural societies and organizations (Ely & Thomas, 2001; Rosenthal & Levy, 2010). This has been explained by the fact that multiculturalism values positive mutual intergroup differentiation (Hewston & Brown, 1986) and that within multicultural contexts, people affiliate to multiple social groups and develop dual identities (Iweins, Desmette, Yzerbyt, & Stinglhamber, 2013; Goclowska & Crisp, 2014). Dual identity is the combination of both group identity and a superordinate identity, such as organizational identity (Dovidio et al., 2007). In line with the literature on the concept of social identity complexity (Roccas & Brewer, 2002; Brewer, 2010), social identities can be combined following different patterns, including the one of dominance, where the individuals adopt one primary group identification to which all the other potential group identities are subordinated, and the compartmentalization one, in which social identities are context specific (for example, the work environment). In the workplace, employees might define themselves in terms of organizational identities, especially when they are proud of the organization (normative fit; Haslam, Postmes, and Ellemers, 2003). Yet, other forms of social identity are contextually possible, such as ethnicity. The construct of dual identity can be central in reducing tensions between majority and minority groups (Hofhuis et al., 2012), because the perception of differences between the groups at one level (i.e., group identity) is weakened by a countervailing accentuation of perceived similarities at the other level (that is the shared level, i.e., the common identity) (Hornsey & Hogg, 2000). However, how the process of dual identity performs within culturally diverse work teams is still to be understood.
In general, current research in this domain presents several limitations. First, as Ashikali and Groenveld (2015) noted, diversity management is frequently criticized for being primarily supportive for the position of minority groups without considering that acculturation is supposed to concern both minorities and majorities (Berry, 2001; Olsen & Martins, 2016). Second, many studies on how organizations manage diversity measure multiculturalism only, without considering assimilation (e.g., Ashikali & Groeneveld, 2015; Triana et al., 2009). Yet, in some contexts like in Belgium, both assimilation and multiculturalism are simultaneously present and promoted (Koninklijk Commissariaat voor het Migrantenbeleid, 1989; Rea, 2014). Third, the processes through which diversity perspectives enhance organizational outcomes and contribute to workers’ career is still largely unknown (Akkermans & Kubbasch, 2017; Hofhius et al., 2016). In that respect, the role of identity processes in diversity contexts remains not fully understood (Shore et al., 2011), particularly in relation to work identity (Akkermans & Kubbasch, 2017; Olsen & Martins, 2016). In fact, both group and work identities (i.e., dual identity) might be strengthened in assimilationist and in multicultural contexts, depending on which group is considered.
Filling these gaps, our paper contributes to the literature by examining how both organizational multiculturalism and organizational assimilation influence work-related outcomes (i.e., job satisfaction and intention to quit) through dual identity among the minority and the majority group of workers. In this study, dual identity refers to the simultaneous presence of both the identity related to origin and the organizational identity. In the next section of the paper, we present the theoretical background leading to the development of our hypotheses.
The debate regarding which diversity perspective (i.e., assimilation, multiculturalism) leads to greater gains is still very vivid in the scientific field (Arasaratnam, 2013; Rosenthal & Levy, 2010). Most of the studies focus on antecedents (e.g., Verkuyten & Wolf, 2002), rather than outcomes, of adhering to one or the other diversity perspective, and in general both multiculturalism and assimilation have been studied mainly from the individual point of view (see for example Oerlemans & Peeters, 2009; Rattan & Ambady, 2013; Verkuyten, 2005). Studies on intergroup attitudes as outcomes of adhering to multiculturalism or assimilation show an association between multiculturalism and more positive intergroup relations, such as less discrimination (Brolis, et al., 2018; Richerson & Nussbaum, 2004), inclusive attitudes (Wolsko et al., 2006) and greater acceptance of and openness to others (Verkuyten, 2005; Vorauer et al., 2009). Large amounts of research also show that multiculturalism is the most adaptive acculturation strategy for migrants (i.e., workers who are perceived as disadvantaged regarding their originated country and ethnic origin, Al Ariss & Crowley-Henry, 2015) to integrate themselves in a new society (reviews of Nguyen & Benet-Martines, 2012; Sam & Berry, 2006). From the perspective of majority groups though, multiculturalism can be perceived as a threat to the national identity when it is embraced at a concrete, rather than abstract manner (Mahfud, Badea, Verkuyten, & Reynolds, 2018; Yogeeswaran & Dasgupta, 2014). Presenting multiculturalism highlighting its broad goals rather than concretely determine the manners with which to achieve them, seems the key for positive majority groups’ attitudes toward ethnic minorities. Multiculturalism can be defined as an ideology that acknowledges and celebrates cultural differences (Arasaratnam, 2013; Wolsko, Park & Judd, 2006). It therefore recognizes diversity, promotes and encourages the distinctiveness of ethnic minorities, and defends an ideal of distinct cultural communities living side-by-side following the principle of equal value of cultures (Kelly, 2005).
In contrast with multiculturalism, assimilation emphasizes that people are basically the same so that ethnic differences should be ignored and conformed into the mainstream culture (Berry, 2001; Wolsko et al., 2006). Assimilation is based on the assumption of similarity between minority groups and the adopting society, so that a minority group can be successfully integrated into the mainstream society, and harmonious intergroup relations within the receiving societies can be achieved. Thus, by definition, assimilation assumes a spontaneous absorption of ethnic minorities within the majority’s culture. Based on this assumption, no policy measure should be taken on cultural differences: society is seen as a whole, and group differences are minimized (Oerlemans & Peeters, 2009). Accordingly, and with respect to intergroup relations, several studies reported greater prejudice towards minority group members when assimilation is endorsed by majority members (Badea, 2012; Levin et al., 2012; Verkuyten, 2005; Wolsko, Park & Judd, 2002). Moreover, when minority group members adhere to assimilation, they are more likely to display negative in-group evaluation (Badea et al., 2015; Verkuyten, 2005).
In short, multiculturalism and assimilation can be distinguished from each other by the way in which equality and social cohesion are achieved, that is by reducing differences (i.e., assimilation) or by the recognition and valorization of those differences (i.e., multiculturalism). Research in the area of immigration and intergroup relationships shows different preferences for multiculturalism and assimilation among members of the majority versus minority groups. In a review of studies on adolescents and young adults in Europe, Verkuyten (2006) reports a constant tendency of minority group members to support multiculturalism. The recent study conducted by Steffens and colleagues (2017) supports the preference of minority participants for a multicultural orientation compared to other ideologies. Moreover, research highlights that majority members do not feel targeted by a multicultural approach, which tends to be perceived as being “about” ethnic minorities (Plaut, Garnett, Bufferdi & Sanchez-Burks, 2011). Moreover, there is evidence in the literature showing that majority group members feel threatened in their national identity within a multiculturalism approach (Ginges & Cairns, 2000; Verkuyten, 2009). Majority group members, thus, are frequently found to favor an assimilation approach (e.g., Dovidio et al., 2007).
The endorsement of multiculturalism and assimilation at the organizational level is much less investigated than at the individual level (Courtois et al., 2014). We can define these perspectives within the organizational context as general values regarding how groups should include and accommodate one another and how to best organize a diverse organization (Cox & Blake, 1991; Ely & Thomas, 2001). Even in the organizational context, minority groups have been generally found to benefit more from multiculturalism than majority groups (Arasaratnam, 2013; Plaut, Thomas, & Goren, 2009). For example, McKay and colleagues (2007) found that all employees felt more committed to their organization when they perceived their organization as willing to support a multicultural approach, but that Black employees (i.e., minority group) showed an additional benefit in terms of reduced turnover intentions in comparison with White and Hispanic subgroups. A study conducted in the context of nursing (Beheri, 2009) showed nurses to be more satisfied in their job when valuing differences with other culturally diverse groups and when having high trust levels with other culturally diverse groups, demonstrating a clear association between job satisfaction and the degree to which cultural differences are valued. Compared to the multiculturalist approach, few studies have investigated effects of the organizational assimilationist perspective of diversity on work outcomes. As an example, Olsen and Martins’ (2016) experimental study showed that multiculturalism and assimilation have similar and better effects than no diversity management policy regarding organizational attractiveness in minority and majority students. They did not find that the effects of the manipulated acculturation strategies on organizational attractiveness were moderated by racioethnic group membership.
Up to now, dual identity has been investigated in different areas of psychological research, such as intergroup relations and acculturation studies, making it difficult to reach consensus about its definition and measurement (Fleischmann & Verkuyten, 2016). Nevertheless, results on dual identification with one’s ethnic and national identity report many benefits for migrants, such as a better integration process, less stress and better intergroup relations (e.g., Berry, 1997; Nguyen & Benet-Martinez, 2013; Dovidio, Gaertner & Saguy, 2007). Dual identity leads to positive outcome because it prevents group identity from being threatened by ensuring minorities’ need for distinctiveness while maintaining the beneficial effects of a common identity (Dovidio et al., 2007). In the workplace, minority and majority members can be made aware that they are part of different social groups: they are simultaneously member of a cultural group (i.e., group identity), and member of a working group (i.e., organizational identity). The combination of the two is what we refer here with the term dual identity: a superordinate identity allowing people to recognize and endorse distinct subgroup identities, while also convey shared visions and values. Members of minority groups prefer to acknowledge group-based differences along with commonality (Saguy, Dovidio, & Pratto, 2008), that is dual identity, and policies such as multiculturalism that support ethnic differences within a larger society (Dovidio, Gaertner, & Saguy, 2007; Ryan, Hunt, Weible, Peterson, & Casas, 2007; Verkuyten, 2006). Minorities prefer dual identity mainly because focusing only on common identity is perceived as an ethnic identity threat (Crisp, Stone, & Hall, 2006). However, few empirical evidences can be found in the literature accounting for the study of dual identity and its antecedences and consequences. More is found on studies accounting separately for group identity and organizational identity. With respect to antecedents, in their study, Lujiters and colleagues (2006) showed the importance of cultural empathy (i.e., the interest in the outgroup culture) for reaching positive judgments toward a minority target under cultural maintenance conditions. Thus, multiculturalism rather than assimilation may lead to more positive effects in minorities in terms of group identification. In this vein, the study of Badea (2012) reported that majority group’s national identification was positively related to assimilation and negatively to multiculturalism. Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007) demonstrated in their experimental study that people’s views on minority rights depend on group status. More specifically, the authors shown that when people are in a majority status condition, they display a reduced endorsement in favor of minority rights compared to when they are in a minority status condition. Minority rights are thus typically seen as having more to offer to minority groups than to majority groups, whose members may feel cultural diversity as a threat to their dominant position. In terms of organizational identity, Verkuyten and Yildiz (2007) report minority workers to prefer strong team identity adoption (i.e., common identity in their study) to weak team identity adoption.
With respect to assimilation, the process of depersonalization may contribute the identification to the common identity because it is socially structured, in the sense of being shaped by, and oriented towards, the emergent norms of the group as a whole (Haslam, Postmes, & Ellemers, 2003). In general, members of majorities groups show preferences for common identity and policies that promote it, i.e. assimilation (Verkuyten, 2006). Supporting a common identity reduces tensions and produces positive intergroup attitudes and at the same time reinforces social values that maintain the status quo in favor of the majority groups (Dovidio, Gaertner, & Saguy, 2007). Members of majorities groups show preferences for common identity (Verkuyten, 2006); on the other hand, majority groups may not perceive dual identity as such a threat, because it conveys shared values with the mainstream culture. In terms of outcomes and consequences, most studies so far focused on psychological adjustment and quality of life rather than work-related outcomes. For example, Utsey, Chae, Brown and Kelly (2002) showed ethnic identity to be positively related to quality of life in three minority groups (African American, Asian and Latino American participants). Another study by Fingerhut, Peplau, and Ghavami (2005) reported a link between both group identity and common identity with life satisfaction among lesbians in the United States. These studies show that dual identity has positive effects with respect of psychological adjustments and intergroup relationships. In terms of work outcomes, a study conducted Iweins and colleagues (2013) has shown that the more young workers developed a dual identity combining an age-group identity and an organizational-superordinate identity, the less they were prejudiced against older workers and the less they were willing to quit the job. Moreover, positive effects of the multi-age organizational climate on prejudice reduction and intentions to quit were mediated by dual identity. Finally, the ability of migrants to develop a dual identity has been shown to depend on majority’s acceptance of minorities (Bourhius, Moïse, Perreault, & Senecal, 1997; Fleischmann & Phalet, 2015), so that the multicultural approach is generally more beneficial for minority members’ wellbeing than assimilation, separation and marginalization strategies (Berry et al., 2006; Nguyen & Benet-Martinez, 2013). We assume that the same might be true in the workplace.
Following the results of studies displaying positive advantages of dual identity and acculturation studies showing differences in preferences among minority and majority members, we aim to test a moderated mediation model (shown in Figure Figure1) 1 ) in which the indirect effects of acculturation approaches (i.e., multiculturalism and assimilation) on work-related outcomes (i.e., job satisfaction and intention to quit) through the identification of workers with both the organization and their ethnic groups simultaneously (i.e., dual identity) are moderated by the belongingness of participants to either the majority or the minority group. Literature shows that multiculturalism may favor shared cultural attitudes such as support for diversity policies in both minority and majority (Wolsko et al., 2006). However, multiculturalism has been shown to positively contribute to minority group members’ identity (Verkuyten et al., 2005), while majority group members are less prone to support multiculturalism which is perceived as excluding them in general (Plaut et al., 2011). Assimilation, in contrast, ignores differences and instead focuses on a sense of shared humanity (Park & Judd, 2005). An organization adopting an assimilation perspective will ignore ethnic differences among its employees and will absorb them into the dominant culture. In the context of the present study as well as in many Western organizations, the dominant culture is often based on the culture of the majority group (i.e., the White majority, Olsen & Martins, 2016). Thus, majority group members are more willing to endorse an assimilation perspective (see Hehman, Gaertner et al., 2012) and their group self-esteem benefits more from assimilation than minority (Wolsko et al., 2006).